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ESSAYS FOR PEACE
ANWAR SADAT: WARRIOR FOR PEACE
By Andrew Bowen
Severna Park High School
1st Prize Winner
Sadat Essay for Peace Competition
March 2004
November 20, 1977, was a day when the Promised Land fulfilled its name. That
day, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat speared the problem between Arab-Israeli
relations. He said that the problem was “the wall of an implacable and
escalating psychological warfare…a barrier of suspicion, a barrier of
rejection; a barrier of fear, or deception, a barrier of hallucination without
any action, deed or decision.” Sadat’s sacrifice and gift to the
world was, along with many other remarkable acts, demolishing that wall. Pieces
of the façade remain, but the memory of President Sadat provides the
lessons of how to build peace in the Middle East. President Sadat’s
great mission for peace made the last eleven years of the Middle East peace
process efforts possible, while one of the principles that he believed in
most—that psychological barriers must be destroyed—can guide current
and future leaders towards successful peace in the Middle East and elsewhere.
President Sadat’s crusade for peace began and ended with a divine
determination. The world owes the hope in today’s reality to President
Sadat’s fervor. Through battle, war, disengagement agreements, failed
shuttle diplomacy, and the ultimate peace, President Sadat forced his people,
the Israeli people, and the world to realize that peace is the political
reality. When he entered office, Israel occupied the Sinai Peninsula, along
with the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and the Gaza Strip. The land-for-peace
principle was the only chance to alleviate the acrimony brewed from the
occupation. That principle was often discussed, but much stood in the way
of making it a political reality. President Sadat was, as President of Egypt
and heir of the Pan-Arab leadership, ultimately the man to bring peace.
He recognized a way to demolish that divide: accept Israel, ensure its security,
and prove to the Arab people that occupied territories were not lost. With
purpose and moral clarity, he made history by talking peace with former
enemies. He met with the Knesset and stated as clearly as possible his aims.
He urged territorial sovereignty and justice. With his leadership, Egypt
regained the Sinai, proving that the Arab people were not “a nation
reduced to immobility” (Sadat). Likewise, Israel received a guarantee
that its Western border with its longtime foe was protected. President Sadat
made political realities possible in the late ‘70s that were impossible
a decade earlier. He made reality with truth, confrontation, and an ability
to break psychological barriers. He gave up his life for that reality, but
he gave that reality to the world.
For all its setbacks, there has been a peace process for the last decade.
It has had remarkable success. Its continuance, its embrace of realities,
and its mere existence are derived from President Sadat’s sacrifice.
The Oslo agreements brought four Israeli leaders to direct negotiations
with Yasser Arafat. As sensible an idea as direct negotiations are, they
did not occur among Israeli and Arab leaders until Sadat made the advance.
Furthermore, the Oslo agreements attempted to make the concept of a Palestinian
state into a reality. In his speech to the Knesset, Sadat stated creation
of a Palestinian state as integral to making lasting peace in the Middle
East. Though the state has yet to exist, the concept of its creation is
accepted by the Israelis, the U.S., and the U.N. That may seem a small victory,
but it is a victory possible only in a world changed by Anwar Sadat. Despite
setbacks, the point that the unending pursuit of peace is the necessary
state for Israeli-Palestinian and Middle Eastern affairs is in no doubt.
An though the notable efforts of Oslo and the U.S.-backed Road Map for peace
in the Middle East has been gravely damaged, the world community is not
abandoning peace. The Bush Administration, the European Union, and other
allies are working on a plan for peace and stability in the “greater
Middle East” (Wright and Kessler). The development of this plan after
years of disappointment echoes President Sadat’s legacy: that the
constant pursuit of peace is the only way to achieve peace. Without the
example of the Egyptian-Israeli peace, efforts towards the goal would be
unthinkable.
President Sadat articulated the existence of a psychological wall that
makes peace untenable, and he took important steps towards eradicating that
barrier. However, for peace to be achieved, attempts to make peace must
be fortified by the final destruction of the wall. The wall exists among
all parties, belligerent and moderating. Of the utmost importance is identifying
these barriers and destroying them, piece by piece.
A wall exists between the United States and the Palestinians. For the
United States, the wall is built on semantic differences that lead to a
mass misunderstanding of the Palestinian people. After September 11, 2001,
President Bush made a public differentiation between Islam and Islamic terrorism.
This was an important step, as it engaged the citizenry of the United States
in understanding the currents that made terrorism possible, while communicating
the need for deep understanding and acceptance of the Islamic religion and
culture. However, when the Bush Administration made the Road Map public,
it made no effort to differentiate between the Palestinian people and Palestinian
terrorism. When a country involves itself in peace, its government and people
must have a total understanding of the situation’s circumstances.
Public misunderstanding breeds violence, and Sadat recognized this. Sadat
showed his belief in the equality of the Arab and Israeli people; as Sadat
said, “We must all rise above all forms of obsolete theories of superiority,
and the most important thing is never to forget that infallibility is the
prerogative of God alone.” In order for the United States to make
a full effort for moderating successful peace, it must make the differentiation
between the Palestinian people and Palestinian terror. Without this effort,
the U.S. government gives American people the impression that it should
treat the Palestinians less fairly than the Israelis, while giving the Palestinian
people the impression that the United States is not on the Palestinian side.
A barrier exists with the U.S. and Israel on one side and the Palestinians
on the other. For the U.S. and Israel, this is a barrier built on a distrust
of Palestinian leadership. The Road Map essentially removed Yasser Arafat’s
position in peace negotiations, while mandating that new political leaders
for the Palestinian people be found. However, Yasser Arafat is not irrelevant
to the whole of the Palestinian people. If a peace agreement made between
the Israelis and Palestinians is made with American aid, that agreement
and all negotiations involved must accept certain political realities in
order to be accepted as legitimate. An Israeli-Palestinian peace must involve
Arafat, Palestinian grassroots organizations and local Palestinian leaders
to be accepted as legitimate. A peace based on justice cannot exist any
other way.
A barrier exists among too many parties the world over involved in peace,
and that is the barrier of “creative ambiguity.” The term “creative
ambiguity” is diplomatic jargon referring to diplomatic arrangements
that are obscure enough to be interpreted in whatever way any party would
like. Commentators have pointed to “creative ambiguity” as one
of the reasons for the Oslo process’s failure; some have said that
Israeli and Palestinian leaders were not honest with their people about
the sacrifices that peace would involve. Sadat came to Israel in November
1977 with “straightforward words and a clear conception with no ambiguity”
(Sadat). His intention was a truth vital to peace. Leaders today should
follow it to create true peace.
Real peace requires honesty and commitment. With the despair, disappointment,
and destruction that have defined Israeli-Palestinian relations in the last
few years, leaders have shown at least one remarkable trait: a continuing
commitment to peace. Granted, elements integral to the successful peace
of Camp David I were lacking in the Oslo process, the Wye River accords,
and the Road Map. However, the routes to peace in the Middle East, and in
places around the world—Sudan, Ireland, and Haiti, to name a few—are
not of the sorts that leaders and citizens must navigate with hope obscured,
goals ambiguous. Anwar Sadat identified the problems inherent in peace—distrust,
misunderstanding, hopelessness—and pursued peace just as relentlessly
as war. To wage a successful war, one finds it imperative to have goals,
initiative, and the absolute conviction of a moral purpose; one must be
convinced that they are fighting for justice. Anwar Sadat had all of the
successful warrior’s mindset when pursuing peace, and he gave the
world justice. All the Israeli and Palestinian leaders, citizens, and future
generations—along with the leaders, citizens, and future generations
of all parties interested in peace—must do is act like Sadat and bring
justice.
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